Special populations Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

What Not to Do When Applying for Social Security Disability

What Not to Do When Applying for Social Security Disability What Not to Do When Applying for Social Security Disability Is it true that you are considering applying for Social Security Disability (SSD)? Before you do, look at our rundown of 5 significant things to maintain a strategic distance from making progress toward getting benefits.1) Don’t Send Incomplete or Inaccurate Forms To apply for Social Security Disability, you should finish various structures, and guarantee that the data gave is right. You should incorporate a broad measure of data, for example, the names, locations and telephone quantities of every single clinical supplier, complete clinical records and more.If you don't round out a structure totally, either by leaving segments clear or incidentally giving incorrectly data, your case will probably be denied and you should begin the procedure all once again again. Remember, purposefully giving bogus data, for example, posting conditions you don't have, erroneously posting wards or including a bogus work history is unbelievably inconvenient to your case and isn't right. Ensure you are straightforward with your information.To stay away from mistakes, contact an accomplished SSD lawyer. The person in question can control you through the procedure, round out the administrative work for you and guarantee everything is right. Having an accomplished SSD attorney work with you can likewise help improve the odds your underlying application will be approved.2) Don’t Stop Seeking Medical Treatment If you are applying for incapacity advantages or hanging tight for a choice, don't quit heading off to your primary care physician for clinical arrangements and medicines. Archives of your clinical records, medicines, prescriptions, measurements, and so forth are critical proof to demonstrate your inability and assist you with getting affirmed for benefits. Your clinical records and proceeded with treatment are basic for your case. You should keep seeing your primary care physician and adhere to their guidelines for your treatment consistently during the process.If you quit seeing a specialist, the Social Security Administration may verify that your condition isn't sufficiently extreme to get benefits.3) Don’t Only Report Some of Your Conditions Make sure to report the entirety of the conditions you have that are influencing your lifestyle and capacity to work. Don’t believe that you are constrained to just states of being. Your states of mind could be adversely influencing your day by day life, and you may have comorbid clinical and mental scatters, which means these conditions are happening simultaneously and might be brought about by the essential condition.The Social Security Administration will audit the entirety of the conditions you recorded in the application. Keep in mind, it is imperative to have clinical documentation all things considered, including states of mind, to demonstrate your inabilities. A talented SSD lawyer can assist you with the whole application, including rounding out the entirety of your conditions a nd giving clinical evidence.4) Don’t Miss Deadlines for Appeals If your application is denied, it is encouraged to offer the refusal. Nonetheless, you should follow the interests cutoff times and send demands for a conference inside 60 days of accepting a denial.A gifted SSD legal counselor is basic to have all through the whole procedure, and particularly during the interests procedure. An accomplished SSD legal counselor can set up the entirety of the essential proof for your case, help set you up for what's in store at the consultation and give solid legitimate portrayal to assist you with getting affirmed for benefits.5) Don’t Do Drugs or Break the Law If drinking or medications is demonstrated to be the principle explanation behind your incapacities or aggravates your conditions, it is likely your case will be denied. A talented SSD legal counselor can help answer any inquiries you have about substance misuse. You ought to likewise maintain a strategic distance fr om any sort of crime as overstepping the law can hurt your odds of accepting benefits.We Can HelpIf you are handicapped and incapable to work, call Disability Attorneys of Michiganâ for a free secret counsel. We’ll let you know whether we can assist you with getting a month to month check and assist you with deciding whether any cash or resources you get could affect your qualification for incapacity benefits.Disability Attorneys of Michiganâ works hard consistently helping the crippled of Michigan look for the Social Security Disability benefitsâ they need. On the off chance that you can't work because of a physical, mental, or psychological impedance, call Disability Attorneys of Michiganâ now for a free interview atâ 800-949-2900.Let Michigan’s experienced Social Security Disability law office assist you with getting the advantages you deserve.Disability Attorneys of Michigan, Compassionate Excellence. Michigan Social Security Disability Attorney, Michiga n Social Security Disability Lawyer

Report on Field Trip

Report on Field Trip Official Summary Field trips serve one fundamental capacity most definitely. Field trips connect the study hall involvement in the outside world in this manner they improve learning, yet in addition give both the student and teacher esteemed reasonable experience (Jin and Lin, 2012). The visit they took with Greg Nannup of the Indigenous Tours WA was a fascinating one deciding by the shifted exercises that we needed to get. This report is set up with that impact. It subtleties the occasions and the exercises gained from the field trip led with the said visits organization. This specific outing visioned at improving their insight base grounded in the study hall concerning indigenous the travel industry. During this occasion, they experienced a few awesome displays like the eminent wreck exhibition in Fremantle. This display with its consolidated history and culture offers the sightseers come chatting with an enthusiastic the travel industry site. The field trip owed its prosperity to the visit control , Greg Nannup who drew in the understudies in legends all through the excursion. A greater part of his legends concerned the assortment of vacation spots that the understudies went over including the compositional structures, the Freemantle Prison, and the Swan River. A short detail of this is talked about in this report. At the appointed time, the report furnishes data on the aboriginals’ association with Fremantle, which really is the premise of the indigenous the travel industry in the spot. Presentation Inside the Perth district, the Fremantle Heritage Tour is among the most established indigenous experience. It begins at the Fremantle Maritime Museum close to the waterfront and meander pasts other breathtaking destinations along the Swan River (Smith, 2011). Voyagers in the locale appreciate the perspective on the Nyoongar countries, which is celebrated for untamed life spotting, hedge exhaust searches, and weapon shows. Other than Fremantle’s very much outlined history, covering the last 200 years lays the vivid and rich local history of more than forty thousand years (trip counsel, n.d). Fremantle, which is situated close to the Perth and the mouth of the Swan River, was home to the indigenous individuals of Australia for quite a while. The Nyoongar makes up the nearby native language bunch living here. The parts of the life and history of the Aboriginal Nyoongar populace illuminates inside the Fremantle Aboriginal Heritage Walking Tour (Rivera, 2012). Vacationers investigating the indigenous culture in addition to the history in Fremantle find that Swan River is a significant piece of the Aboriginal Dreamtime. Voyagers get natural withthe story of Wagyltogether with the parts of the native history inside the Fremantle zone during the native Heritage Walking Tour. The field trip’s primary objective was investigating the rich history that the Fremantle region holds, and in such manner, finding the multi faceted nature of Fremantle’s legacy, both when the European settlement. This specific report investigates a field trip that occurred at the Fremantle Aboriginal Heritage Walking Tour. Foundation As a necessity of the course, understudies are required to participate in a field outing to an indigenous visitor goal. In such manner, the indigenous goal that is the subject of this report is the Fremantle, a spot notable for its all around saved design legacy. The Fremantle Aboriginal Heritage Walking Tour handed down the understudies with a wonderful and outstanding strolling experience, which retained them into the way of life of one of Australia’s most alluring urban communities. The understudies got the opportunity of investigating Perth’s normal appeal and its shrouded treasures. Also, they occupied with its vivid history, beginning from its provincial and indigenous beginnings to its current boomtown, loaded up with defilement and wrongdoing. The understudies accumulated outside the wrecks exhibition in Fremantle, a region circumscribing the Fishing Boat Harbor. They were driven by Greg Nannup of the Indigenous visits WA in the outing that took one and a half h ours to finish. Points of the Report Field trip reports improve the instructive estimation of an outing (Kolin, 2012). The outings manage the spatial relations among information and the time connections like the social history or land forms. This report tends to two boss capacities. To begin with, it gives the useful experience that convinces understudies to understand the hypothetical and calculated conversations of their investigations. Furthermore, itâ improves the procedure of informationâ gathering, as understudies can step outside theirâ imagined discernments toâ collect their encounters as the information for the information established on translation. In equivalent extents, the report impersonates the learning and experience accomplished during the field trip. Therefore, through the arrangement of the report, understudies can consider their upgrade capability inside this field of indigenous the travel industry. Site Description Fremantle fills in as a living space to a larger part of notorious and all around perceived vacation destination locales. This makes it an infamous goal both for interstate and worldwide guests. Fremantle was initially home to mass gathering and whaling stations. It is an alluring little city, well known for its tremendous multicultural chronicled destinations and cafés. In equivalent measures, it incorporates convict constructed pilgrim age structures notwithstanding one of the most discolored detainment facilities inside the bigger British Empire called ‘the World Heritage Listed Fremantle Prison’. While individuals are occupied with investigating the spot, they are probably going to hear astounding commotions of Irish detainees just as the humorous British Bush officers getting away. This is the consequence of the World War II and the shameful ousting of the aboriginals to the Rottnest Island. In the previous years when traveler ships filled in as the basic methods for transport for universal explorers, Fremantle remained the western access to Australia. A few vagrants showed up by means of the boat making this spot their home. In any case, the fly travel changed Fremantle’s acclaim as a goal, following which the port city showed up the focal point of worldwide consideration during Australia’s protection of American Cup in the year 1987. At present, Fremantle still clutches a lot of its typical appeal. The majority of Fremantle’s old structures have been painstakingly reestablished and too, the west finish of the port is formally among the extraordinary originals of a Victorian port streetscape known to mankind. Fremantle appreciates an enthusiastic air given that there is continually something occurring around the city, extending from displays, markets and shows, celebrations, to road exhibitions. The Field Trip/Literature Review The experience during the Fremantle Aboriginal Heritage Walking Tour was one to pass on for. With the brilliant, instructive, and engaging experience, the excursion was a triumph. It gave the understudy guests the tale of the Wagyl along with the bit on the native history inside the Fremantle region. A case is the Fremantle Round House, which was built in 1831on Arthur Head. This structure isn't simply Fremantle’s most established building, but at the same time was before a neighborhood jail. In the next years, it filled in as a holding cell to the native detainees before they could continue to the jail on the Rottnest Island. Yangan, a native opposition legend, is known to be among the principal detainees in Round House. After his insubordination to the white pioneers, he was trailed and killed. His head was cut off from the body, after which it was brought to England. After a show in a Liverpool gallery, it was covered in a mass grave. Nonetheless, after certain years, the h ead was unearthed and a native assignment took it back to Perth. The story of the grievous paces of indigenousâ imprisonment inside Australia in the present day and the twentieth century was disclosed to the understudies and they really wanted to address on the importance of the jail gallery to the offspring of a native foundation. Greg clarified that the jail introduces itself for the most part as a site of convict detainment and for all intents and purposes neglects to see the numerous years that after the convict time frame. This demonstration focuses on the assorted and in a general sense challenged significance of such destinations (Frew and White, 2011). Greg proceeded on the Fremantle jail saying that as a notable building element, the jail remains for instance of Australia’s legitimate, institutional, and social history, and, in this way, a great signifier of national personality. Convicts constructed the old Fremantle jail between the years 1851 to 1855. The jail contains an underground passage. The understudies had the option to learn new data concerning the convicts, sea legends, and accounts of free pioneers. One astounding disclosure for them was that the jail has various paranormal exercises as phantoms, who have been living in the jail from an earlier time. Furthermore, the prison’s history incorporates sufferings and hardships, which are seen on the block dividers as a waiting engraving. For instance, the red, yellow, and dark native banner is a significant image of opposition and patriotism (Wilson, 2008). It is to be found in an assortment of spots on the cell dividers, in like manner puts, and even as cut into sandstone dividers. Similarly as the Western Australian Indigenous Tourism Operators Council (2011) state, while on a one-hour stroll in Fremantle with a native guide, sightseers are probably going to pick up concerning the significance of Fremantle to the Nyoongar individuals notwithstanding the dreaming stories concerning the zone. The principle encounters incorporate the native culture in addition to history, customary native chasing and assembling, native dreamtime, in addition to the voyages through memorable and consecrated native locales. Beginning from the Fremantle Town Hall, the visit took a non-customary course through Freo, simultaneously getting t

The Role of Women in Spartan Society

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN SPARTAN SOCIETY The ladies of antiquated Sparta, the individuals who were destined to Spartan guardians, had numerous jobs. They were significant and fundamental for the strength and running of the antiquated warrior society. The woman’s job in Spartan culture was profoundly viewed by the state as equivalent in significance to that of a man’s, however they couldn't lead or hold open office. They were given the opportunity, force, regard and status that was unbelievable in the different polis, alongside the remainder of the traditional world.Since the hour of Lycurgus, the Spartan lawgiver, the ladies of Sparta were a lot of mindful of their job in the public arena. These jobs were with respect to parenthood, proprietorship and upkeep of land, religion, training, marriage and their solid impact and force in the public arena. In Xenophon’s clarification of the Spartan constitution, the focal and most significant job in Spartan culture for the S partiate or free lady was to proceed with Sparta, through labor. Austere ladies were exceptionally esteemed as the moms of warriors and they needed to keep up their wellness to guarantee solid pregnancy and childbirth.Since Sparta was routinely at war for quite a bit of its multi year history, it was a woman’s job to manage and raise sound kids, specifically, solid and courageous children to serve in the Spartan armed force. Females were urged to take an interest in physical preparing so they could conceive an offspring o sound infants. As indicated by Xenophon, Lycurgus proclaimed that â€Å"women should take as much difficulty over physical wellness as men†¦ in light of the fact that if the two guardians were solid, the posterity would be progressively tough and the ladies themselves would have the option to shoulder the torments of work. The job of parenthood was imperative to the point that moms who had various children were given unique status and as indicated by X enophon, â€Å"Spartans esteem parenthood so exceptionally that there were just two different ways a Spartan would get their name on a tombstone: passing in fight or demise in labor. † Women were answerable for raising their kids in their initial years where the two young ladies and young men got a government funded training. Moms were liable for conveying the Spartan qualities to their kids. They supported dauntlessness in their children and didn't endure weakness in fight or grieve their children when they passed on in battle.Rather than grieve the demise of their child, they would invest heavily in the way that their child kicked the bucket with regards to Sparta †Source 1 (Plutarch On Sparta, p. 160) â€Å"As a lady was covering her child, a useless old hag came up to her and stated: ‘You poor lady, what a hardship! ’ ‘No, by the two divine beings, a bit of good fortune,’ she answered, ‘because I bore him with the goal that he may pas s on for Sparta, and that is the thing that has occurred. † To pass on for Sparta in fight was a man’s most noteworthy respect and what a mother longs for her sons.Therefore, the pride of a Spartan lady was to be a mother of a genuinely brave and loyal child †Source 2 (Plutarch On Sparta, p. 160) â€Å"When an Ionian lady was highly esteeming one of the embroideries she had made (which was in reality of incredible worth), a Spartan lady flaunted her four most obedient children and said they were the sort of thing an honorable and great lady should create, and should flaunt them and invest heavily in them. † Spartan moms were not open minded to a son’s demonstration of weakness or dishonor towards her and Sparta. They were known to disgrace and slaughter their children when they showed these actions.For model, a statement from Plutarch’s Sayings of Spartan Women shows only this. Another Spartan lady murdered her child, who had abandoned his post since he was dishonorable of Sparta. She pronounced: â€Å"He was not my offspring†¦ for I didn't bear one shameful of Sparta. † (Blundell, 1995, 151 and 157; Pomeroy, 2002, 34-37 and 52-69 †Don’t realize who said what, notes given from a uni understudy. ) Spartan ladies were known to be rich in spite of the fact that Sparta didn't have a coinage framework and ladies were not permitted to have gold or silver. This riches was known to have been gained from property ownership.Land proprietorship in Sparta was not quite the same as different polis. A family’s land was shared between all individuals from the family, including the young ladies however their rate was littler than her brother’s. Toward the start of the traditional period, a Spartan lady could acquire some portion of her family’s home however she never claimed it, it was constantly given to her youngsters. This changed and towards the finish of the old style time frame, Xenophon and Aristotle noticed that ladies did possess and could oversee, control, and discard property without the need of male approval.Women could likewise secure land through marriage says Powell, Athens and Sparta. Aristotle demonstrated that ladies possessed two-fifths of the land close to the finish of the traditional period. With the ladies claiming this much land and the men were continually away preparing or at war, they assumed significant jobs in the administration of the family unit and the kleros. They needed to oversee the helots who worked in the house and kleros on the grounds that they didn't perform household obligations or physical work, a demonstration which was seen just fit for helots.If a lady was hitched, any benefit from her domain was her husband’s benefit as well and the equivalent goes for any benefit from the home of her husband’s. In the event that a wedded couple were to separate, which was uncommon, ladies were permitted to keep their homes. La dies were urged to be talented and educated with ponies so they could brave to manage theirs and their husband’s domains which could have been spread out over a tremendous measure of territory. Along these lines, Spartan ladies normally claimed, reared and prepared fine ponies which filled in for instance of their riches in land. Blundell, 1995, 155-157; Pomeroy, 1975, 38; Pomeroy, 1991, 144; Pomeroy, 2002, 19-34 and 76-86 †Don’t realize who said what, notes given from a uni understudy. ) Women likewise assumed a significant job in religion. As indicated by S. B. Pomeroy, Spartan factions for ladies reflected the society’s accentuation on female magnificence, wellbeing and the vast majority of all, richness, being unmistakable in the cliques of Dionysus, Eileithyia and Helen. During strict celebrations, for example, the Hyporchema and the Caryatid, ladies would sing, move, race, feast, devote votive contributions, drive chariots in parades and weave garment s for faction pictures of the divine beings, said Pomeroy.At the Hyakinthia celebration, ladies had an impact in â€Å"riding on luxuriously enlivened carriages made of wicker work, while others burdened chariots and drove them in a parade for racing† says Hooker in The Ancient Spartans. At the asylum of Artemis Orthia, an enormous number of votive contributions have been found. It is felt that these contributions were made by ladies who were infertile, pregnant or had endure labor, as Artemis Orthia was related with labor. Additionally, Spartan moms made contributions and penances to the goddess Aphrodite Hera when their little girls got married.In option, Pomeroy expressed that various votive contributions by singular ladies were confirmations of other individual associations with the divinities. In figure 3. 9 in the book Antiquity 2, there is a fifth century alleviation demonstrating a Spartan young lady included a strict ceremony. From youth, young ladies were raised to be the sort of moms that Sparta required, similarly as young men were prepared to be the troopers it required. The Spartan instruction framework that was contrived for young ladies was to make moms who might create the best hoplites, to oversee property and to partake in strict festivals.Girls remained at home with their moms who showed them the nuts and bolts of perusing and composing. Since music was a significant piece of Sparta’s strict celebrations, the young ladies needed to figure out how to sing and perform moves, for example, the bibasis, which was likewise a type of activity. Sparta was the main polis where the preparation of young ladies was endorsed and bolstered by open power. The girl’s physical instruction included, â€Å"running, wrestling, plate tossing, and heaving the javelin†, as accounted by Plutarch.The fundamental motivation behind why young ladies took an interest in physical exercises was to fill the state need of bringing forth solid an d sound youngsters, on the premise that the two guardians were solid and sound, as indicated by Barrow and Powell. (Blundell, 1995, 151; Fantham, 1994, 57-63; Pomeroy, 1975, 36; Pomeroy, 2002, 4-27 †Don’t realize who said what, notes given from a uni understudy. ) According to Plutarch, not at all like young ladies from different polis, Spartan young ladies wedded when â€Å"they were ready for it†, most likely around the age of eighteen when they were all the more truly develop and prepared for motherhood.Spartans were required to wed inside their own social class and was commonly organized between families, with the lady of the hour and man of the hour normally knowing each other in advance. Another type of marriage that was accepted to have been rehearsed in Sparta was marriage by catch. This happened when a man would pick a lady of the hour and steal her away. In spite of the fact that it seems like the lady of the hour had no way out in who she would wed, A. J. Ball recommends that the demonstration of â€Å"capture† was simply a representative demonstration. Plutarch expresses that the lady of the hour was dressed like a male with her hair shaved off in anticipation of the marriage.Some proposals why this method was attempted were on the grounds that it suggested celibacy, and to â€Å"ease† the husband to be into new grounds to have sex with a lady since he invested most of his energy with other men. Preliminary relationships were likewise drilled in Sparta. It was not bizarre for a hitched couple to stay quiet about their marriage until the introduction of their first kid, just on the off chance that the spouse was infertile thus another marriage agreement could be organized. The Spartan culture had a receptive demeanor towards extrama

Introducing the New EasyBib Add-in for Office 365 - EasyBib Blog

Introducing the New EasyBib Add-in for Office 365 - EasyBib Blog (2) Big news! The new EasyBib Add-in for Office 365 is now available, allowing you (or your students) to effortlessly cite as you write online. Best of all, this powerful new add-in is free! In Office 365, the EasyBib Add-in opens as a column to the right of a document and lets users automatically generate citations for books, articles, or websites. This means you can easily copy and paste a quote into the document, cite it with the add-in, and immediately start writing your paper without navigating between windows. More efficiency means more time. Depending on the source type, the EasyBib Add-in for Office 365 only needs the URL, title, author, ISBN, or keywords to begin the citation generation process. In addition, users can cite in MLA format, APA format, or Chicago style with just a few clicks. It really is that simple! Our digital bibliography is also dynamic when it comes to citation styles. You can start citing in MLA format, discover on your syllabus that it’s actually supposed to have APA citations, and go back and easily change the citation style. When you’re finally done with your paper, one click will insert your entire bibliography into the digital document. Voilà, and you’re done! The EasyBib Add-in is free and easy to download. Try it out today!

Economic and financial integration in emerging markets - Free Essay Example

A EUROPEAN POLICY ABSTRACT: This paper extends to test if the short and in the long run. Weak indica- the same short-run increase in cyclical tions are found that this may happen par- volatility arising from financial integration tially due to the anchoring of expectations is observed in this specific sample of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“emerg-provided by the EU Accession, and to the ing markets. This work finds signs that, more robust institutional framework contrary to other emerging markets, this imposed by this process onto the countries in does not happen: for the future Member question. States, financial integration, similarly to the KEY WORDS: Enlargement, European outcome observed in mature market Union, financial liberalization, booms, 81 economies, reduces cyclical volatility both in busts, cycles, volatility. 1. INTRODUCTION Financial and capital flows liberalization can play a fundamental role in increasing growth and welfare. Typically, emerging or developing economies seek foreign savings to solve the inter-temporal savings-investment problem. On the other hand, current account surplus countries seek opportunities to invest their savings. To the extent that capital flows from surplus to deficit countries are well intermediated and, therefore, put to the most productive use, they increase welfare. Liberalization can, however, also be dangerous, as has been witnessed in many past and recent financial, currency and banking crises. It can make countries more vulnerable to exogenous shocks. In particular, if serious macroeconomic imbalances exist in a recipient country, and if the financial sector is weak, be it in terms of risk management, prudential regulation and supervision, large capital flows can easily lead to serious financial, banking or currency crises. A number of recent crises, like those in Ea st Asia, Mexico, Russia, Brazil and Turkey (described, for example, in IMF (2001)), and, to some extent, the Argentinean episode of late 2001, early 2002, have demonstrated the potential risks associated with financial and capital flows liberalization. Central and Eastern Europe has a somewhat different experience, when compared to other emerging regions, concerning the financial liberalization process, as the process there seems to have been much less crisis-prone than in, for instance, Asia or Latin America. This maybe, at least partially, because the current high degree of external and financial liberalization in the Central Eastern European countries (CEECs), beyond questions of economic allocative efficiency, must be understood in terms of the process of Accession to the European Union. The EU integration process implies legally binding, sweeping liberalization measures-not only capital account liberalization, but investment by EU firms in the domestic financial services, and the maintenance of a competitive domestic environment, giving this financial liberalization process strong external incentives (and constraints). Those measures were implemented parallel to the development of a highly sophisticated regulatory and supervis ory structure, again based on EU standards. This whole process happened also with the EUs technical and financial support, through specific programs-like the PHARE one, for these so-called Accession, and the TACIS, for the former Soviet Union ones- and direct assistance from EU institutions, like the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Central Bank (also, on a very early stage of the transition process, the influence of the IMF in setting up policies and institutions in several countries in the region-an intervention widely considered to haven been successful-was important: see Hallerberg et al., 2002). Additionally, EU membership seems to act as an anchor to market expectations (see Vinhas de Souza and HÃÆ' ¶lscher, 2001), limiting the possibilities of self- fulfilling financial crises and regional contagion (see Linne, 1999), which had the observed devastating effects in both Asia and Latin America (even a major event, like the Russian collapse of 1998, had very reduced regional side effects). Several regional episodes of financial systems instability did happen (see Vinhas de Souza, 2002(a) and Vinhas de Souza, 2002(b)), but none with the prolonged negative consequences observed in other region (which was also due to the effective national policy actions undertaken after those episodes). This studys main aim is to expand the Kaminsky and Schmukler database (see Kaminsky and Schmukler, 2003), from now on indicated as KS, to include the Accession and Acceding Countries from Eastern Europe (namely, for Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Rom ania, Slovakia and Slovenia). In their original work, KS build an extensive database of external and financial liberalization, which includes both developed countries and countries from emerging regions (but not from Eastern Europe). With that, they create different indexes of liberalization (capital account, banking and stock markets: see Table I below) and using them individually and in an aggregate fashion, test for the effects and causality of this process on financial and real volatility, for the existence of differences between regions, and for the effects of the ordering of the liberalization process. One underlying hypotheses of this work is that the existing regulatory and institutional framework in Eastern Europe, plus a more sustainable set of macro policies, played an important role in enabling liberalization to largely deliver the welfare enhancing outcomes that it is supposed to. Such an à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“anchoring role of the European Union in the CEECs, through the process of EU membership, and through the effective imposition of international standards of financial supervision and regulation, may indicate that, beyond multilateral organizations like the IMF or the OECD, a greater, pro-active regional stabilizing role in emerging markets by regional actors, for instance, the United States, or by some regional sub-grouping, like Mercosur, may also be welfare enhancing for other à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“emerging regions. 2. CAPITAL ACCOUNT The achieving of capital account liberalization happened rather swiftly in most of the countries in our sample: by the mid 1990s, all bar Bulgaria and Romania had been declared Article VIII compliant (for those two countries, this happened in 1998: see Table II below). One of the main driving forces behind this was the process of European Integration, for which external liberalization is a pre-requisite: in the early to mid-1990s, all the countries had signed Association Agreements with the European Union (frequently preceded by trade liberalization agreements with the EU, also called à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Europe trade agreements, usually with years given to the countries to prepare for their full implementation) and formally applied for EU membership. Another additional factor supporting liberalization was IMF and OECD membership: four of the larger countries in our sample became OECD members during the second half of the 1990s. Another factor to be considered, is the endogenous decision process to liberalize in a sustainable fashion. 3. BANKING SECTOR Financial integration, in the form of the opening up the banking sector to foreign banks, is seen as being positive, on a micro level, as foreign banks are usually better capitalized and more efficient than their domestic counterparts (of course, the domestic banking sector eventually catches-up: for an indication of this process at the ACs, see, among others, Tomova et al., 2003). Also from a macroeconomic perspective, financial integration maybe positive for the Eastern European countries, both for long run growth and, as there are indications that foreign banks do not contract either their credit supply nor their deposit base, in helping to smooth the cycle (see de Haas and Lelyveld, 2003: they find some indication that this is linked to the better capitalization base and prudential ratios, as better capitalized domestic banks behave similarly to foreign banks). Given the bank-centered nature of virtually all the financial systems of the future Member States, this is particularly important for them. In most of the member states, the initial stage of the creation of the two-tier banking system, modeled on the Western European à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“universal bank system, was characterized by rather liberal licensing practices and limited supervision policies (aimed at the fast creation of a de novo commercial, private banking sector: see Fleming et al., 1996, Balyozov, 1999, Enoch et al., 2002, SÃÆ' ¶rg et al., 2003). This caused a mushrooming of new banks in those countries in the early 1990s. Parallel to this, a series of banking crises, of varied proportions, affected most of those de novo banking systems, due to this lax institutional framework, inherited fragilities from the command economy period (the political need to support state-owned, inefficient industries, with the consequent accumulation of bad loans and also the financing of budget deficits), macroeconomic instability, risky expansion and investment strategies and also sheer inexperience, both from the investors and from regulators. Progressively, the re-capitalization, privatization and internationalization of the banking system (mostly into the hands of EU financial conglomerates), coupled with the implementation of a more robust, EU-modeled institutional framework, did away with most of those problems. Two of the worst cases where the set of Baltic banking crises and the Bulgarian episode, which are described in more detail below. Other smaller banking crises happened in Estonia in 1994 and 1998, and in Latvia in 1994. Caprio and Klingebiel, 2003, report smaller episodes of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“financial sector distress in the Czech Republic (94-95), Hungary (93), Poland (91-93), Romania (98-00), Slovakia (97) and Slovenia (92-94). The initial proliferation of banks was, quite naturally, followed by a process of consolidation and strengthening-parallel to the privatization of the remnant state-owned components of the financial system- of the banking sector in most of those economies (in Bulgaria, from 81 banks in 1992 to 35 in 2001, in the Czech Republic from 55 in 1995 to 38 in 2001, Estonia, from 42 in 1992 to 7 currently, while Hungary had 33 banks in 2002, showing only a very slight decrease from the early 1990s, Latvia from 56 in 1994 to 23, Lithuania from 27 in 1993 to 13, in Pola nd from 81 in 1995 to 71 in 2001, in Romania from 45 in 1998 to 41 in 2001, in Slovakia from 22 in 2000 to 19 in 2001, and in Slovenia, where the number fell from 25 to 21 during 2001 alone). This consolidation process was frequently led by foreign companies, which now hold the majority of the assets of the banking system in virtually all of them-contrary to the situation in the current EU Member States-bar Slovenia. This process now has a component of regional expansion of the Eastern European banks themselves, or, more precisely in most cases, the regional expansion of Western banks via some of their locally-owned subsidiaries (see SÃÆ' ¶rg et al., 2003, ibid). The share of banking assets to GDP, nevertheless, is still far below the Euro area average (which stood at around 265% of GDP by end 2001), compared with 47% in Bulgaria, 136% in the Czech Republic, 72% in Estonia and Latvia, 32% in Lithuania, 63% in Poland, 60% in Hungary, 30% in Romania, 96% in Slovakia and 94% in Slovenia (data also for 2001). Another peculiar feature of the banking system in the region is that foreign currency lending -usually euro-denominated-to residents is very high, especially in the B altic republics: with 80% of total loans in Estonia, 56% in Latvia and 61% in Lithuania. Also, the Baltic countries have substantial shares of deposits by non-residents, with over 10% in Estonia and Lithuania and close to 5% in Latvia (Latvia, with its close trading ties to Russia, has a particular strategy of selling itself as a stable financial services center to CIS depositors: see IMF, 2003(b), ibid). The supervision system has also substantially improved, and, following recent international-and EU- best practice, is now centered in independent universal supervisory agencies in the most advanced of those countries (Reininger et al., 2002, ibid., estimate that the formal regulatory environment for the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland is actually above the EU, and that its actual enforcement level is at its average;Liive, 2003, gives a description of the Estonian experience that culminated in the creation of the EFSA -Estonian Financial Supervisory Authority- in January 2002). 3.1 BANKING CRISES IN EASTERN EUROPE The Baltic bank crises were, to different degrees, linked to liquidity difficulties related tolerations with Russia (in the November 1992 Estonian case, by the freezing of assets held by some Estonian banks in their former Moscow headquarters, while the Latvian and Lithuanian episodes of, respectively, March and December 1995, were caused by the drying-up of lucrative trade-financing opportunities with Russia, whose export commodities, at that time, were still below world price levels) and regulatory tightening (Latvia, Lithuania), compounded by the elimination of credit opportunities with the implementation of the Estonian and Lithuanian CBAs (Currency Board Arrangements). In Lithuania, as in Bulgaria, the financing of the budget deficit also played a role. In the Estonian and Latvian cases, around 40% of the assets of the banking system where compromised, in the Lithuanian and Bulgarian cases, around a third. The Bulgarian 1996-1997 crisis eliminated a third of its banking sector, and led the country to hyperinflation (reaching over 2000% in March 1997, see Yotzov, 2002). Its roots lie in the political instability that preceded it (which, on its turn, led to inadequate real sector reform, with state-owned, loss making enterprises being financed via the budget deficit or through arrears with the, at the time, still mostly state-owned part banking sector: those arrears were, in turn, partially monetized by the Bulgarian National Bank -BNB- and the largest state bank, the State Savings Bank -SSB). Periodic foreign exchange crises (March 1994, February 1997) and bank runs (late1995, late 1996, early 1997) were part of this picture. The implementation of tighter supervisory procedures during 1996 (giving the BNB the power to close insolvent banks), and a tightening of policy actually led to more bank runs. A caretaker government in February 1997 (before a newly elected government took power in May) paved the way to longer lasting reform and the implementation of t he CBA, with its tighter budget constraints towards both the government and the banking sector. This reform process happened with the support from multilateral institutionsamely, (namely the IMF). 4. STOCK MARKETS The existence of stock markets is assumed to be beneficial for economic performance. In principle, it provides a way for companies to raise capital at lower costs than through simple banking intermediation, and because it is not as restricted a source of capital as internal financing. Also, it is assumed that the existence of alternative modes of finance may reduce the likelihood of credit crunches caused by problems with the banking sector (see Greenspan, 2000). Additionally, the existence of external ownership is (or was, given the recent problems with market-based governance in the US and the EU, and the shift towards a more regulated environment) assumed to provide better governance for the management of firms. The majority of economic analyses seem to support the position that a diversified financing mix is positive for economic growth and stability. As described in the previous section, all the financial sectors in the Member States are bank-centered, with stock markets playing marginal roles in most of them (and, in some, a very marginal role: in Bulgaria, Slovakia and Romania, their average market capitalization in GDP terms is below 5%: see Figure I below). All of these countries had (re-)established stock markets by the mid-90s (see Table III above). About half of the future Member States used them to drive the initial process of re-privatization, either via mass issues of voucher certificates for residents (the most famous case of this strategy was the Czech Republic), or via IPOs (Initial Public Offerings) re-privatization processes, to lock-in domestic and foreign strategic investors (see Claessens at al., 2000). In the voucher-driven privatization, the initial large number of investors and traded stocks in those stock markets was soon concentrated in a rather limited number of institutional investors-domestic and foreign- and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“blue chip stocks. In the IPO-driven markets, the number of stocks and investors actually tended to increase with time, albeit from a rather concentrated base. Even in the largest ones, nevertheless, market capitalization, as a GDP share, was and remains rather low (see Figure I below), and far below the EU average (around 72% of GDP). Only in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary and Slovenia the average market capitalization is above a 20% GDP share, while in Romania is below 1% in several years. Also, the average market turnover is equally below the one observed in comparable EU economies. Similarly to what is observed in the banking sector, the initial regulatory environment was deliberately lax, and the regulators were plagued by much the same problems of inexperience and limited number of staff and resources. This does not mean that domestic agents in those countries lack access to the financial services supposed to be provided by stock markets: the very process of opening up, the increase in cross-border trade in financial services, the harmonization of rules for capital trading with the EU (including the ongoing efforts of the Lamfalussy Committee towards a single European market for securities: according to the current proposal, small and medium size firms would be able to use a simplified prospectus valid throughout the EU and choose the country of its approval), plus the development of information technology, all imply that is not actually necessary-nor economically optimal, given economies of scale-for each individual country to have its own separate stock market. One must also recall that the current national stock markets in the mature developed economies are themselves the result of process of consolidation-and closing-of smaller regional stock markets (as was observed in Bulgari a in the early 1990s), which still today coexist with larger, dominant national stock exchanges even in some mature markets, like Germany and the US. Nevertheless, the observed tendency of domestic larger companies, with presumed better growth prospects, to list abroad (see Table IV below), due to the obvious cost and liquidity advantages of the larger international stock markets, does seems, on balance, to deprive those stock markets of liquidity (see Claessens at al., 2003). On the other hand, nonresidents seem to play a major role in most of those markets (accounting for 77% of the capitalization in Estonia, 70% in Hungary and half of the free-float capitalization in Lithuania). All the specific questions described above concerning the way those stock exchanges were founded and their later developments, plus their relative smallness and shallowness, affect the dynamics of their stock market indexes (SMI), and are clearly reflected by them (as one may see in Figure II, below). This, coupled with the rather limited duration of the series, may affect their adequacy as proxies of financial cycles. Source: Datastream, modified by the authors. The price indexes here were converted to US Dollars and re-based to a common reference period were they equal 100, May of 1998. The country codings are as described in the Annexes. 5. ESTIMATED INDEXES The construction of the index for this new sample of countries was the core of this work. A comprehensive effort was done to crosscheck the information collected from papers and publications with national sources. Below we present the estimated monthly index, for the period January 1990 to June 2003 (see Figure III). The base data for its construction was collected from IMF and EBRD publications, and then exhaustively verified both with national sources and with works written about the individual countries and the region. This is an index that falls with liberalization, where maximum liberalization equals one and minimum three (in this sense, one could actually see it as an index of financial repression). As an additional robustness check, the year-end value of the index here constructed was regressed on the combined EBRDs yearly indexes of banking sector reform and non-banking financial sector reform. The results from a panel regression with the index constructed here on the LHS and the EBRD index on the RHS yield a coefficient of .60, and correlations among the individual country- specific index series range from -0.91 to -0.35. As one may see from Figure III above, the process of integration and liberalization was almost continuous throughout the 1990s and early 2000s. The spikes in the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Full Liberalization Index in the early 1990s do not indicate reversals: the merely reflect the entry into the sample of the newly independent Baltic republics. As former members of the Soviet Union, they à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“enter the world as highly closed economies, but those countries introduced liberalization reforms almost immediately from the start. After this, a slight increasing trend, that does reflect a mild liberalization reversal, is observed, starting mid-1994 and lasting until early 1997, from when a continuous liberalization trend is observed. Noteworthy here is the fact that virtually none of the obvious candidates for a reversal of liberalization (the 1997 Asian Crisis, the collapse of the Czech monetary arrangement in 1997, the collapse of the Bulgarian monetary arrangement in 1996/97, the 1998 Russian Crisis, the 1999-2001 oil price shocks-as all those economies are highly dependent of imported energy sources) seems to have driven these mild liberalization reversals. Comparing the Full Index constructed here with the one constructed by KS, for similar time samples, one may observe that the ACs start substantially below the average level of other emerging markets- i.e., they are more liberalized, but both the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“entry of the initially less liberalized former Soviet republics, plus continuous liberalization efforts in the emerging market KS set reverse this situation. A similar liberalization reversal trend in both the ACs and the merging market set is observed from early 1994, but it is actually slightly st ronger on the ACs sample, until its reversal in 1996. By the end of our sample, the ACs are clearly below the final value for the emerging set in KSs sample. This sort of remarkably fast pattern of the ACs à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“leapfroging towards best international practice is also observed in several types of institutional frameworks, like, for instance, monetary policy institutions and instruments (see Vinhas de Souza and HÃÆ' ¶lscher, 2001): a process that virtually took decades for Western central banks was compressed in a half a dozen years in the Future Member States. Nevertheless, by the end of the sample, both emerging and ACs are still above the level of mature, developed economies. Analyzing the individual components of the index (see Figure V), one may see that, abstracting again from the initial spikes in the index, which are, as explained above, caused by the addition of new countries to the sample, the 1994/1997 reversal of liberalization was essentially driven by the Fi nancial Sector liberalization component. As will become clear with the country specific analysis below, this was related, in most cases, to-and here it must be stressed that those were rather limited reversals-to the banking crises that plagued several countries in our sample in the early to mid 1990s. Comparing now the individual components of the Full Index constructed here with the ones from KS, again for emerging and mature economies, it becomes clear that the reversals observed in Figure IV were driven by different sources in the emerging set (increase in capital account restrictions) and ACs set (financial sector): see Figure VI. All the indexes for mature economies are, again as one would expect, substantially lower. One could, in principle, aggregate the countries in our sample in three different groups: rapid liberalizers (the ones that followed a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“big bang early approach, without major reversals: Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania), consistent liberalizers (the ones that followed a more delayed path, but also without major roll backs: the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland) and cautious liberalizers (the ones whose liberalization path was either openly inconsistent or downright mistrustful: Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia). 5.1 COUNTRY-BY-COUNTRY LIBERALIZATION PATH. In Bulgaria, virtually no sign of a liberalization reversal is observed, even during the substantial stress experienced by the country during the banks runs of 1996/97 and the ultimate collapse of the floating regime in 1997 (beyond ad hoc restrictive measures adopted by the banks themselves). As in most of the countries in my sample, the stock market is the last one to liberalize, but does so in a faster fashion. Nevertheless, this is in most cases a data quasi-artifact that arises from the later (re-)constitution of the stock exchange itself. In the Czech Republic, a limited reversal of the financial sector liberalization is observed from late1995 to late 1997, namely, via the imposition of limits on banks short-term open positions towards on-residents, as a way to limit the exposure of the financial sector to the inflows brought about by the hard peg and the potential gains with interest rate differentials. After the peg was replaced by the current float regime, this restriction i s duly removed. In Estonia, again, virtually no sign of a liberalization reversal is observed, even during the bank runs of the early 1990s, the unwinding of the 1997 bubble, nor during the 1998 Russian crisis. Again, the stock market is the last one to liberalize, but one more time, this arises from the later constitution of the stock exchange. In Hungary, also no signs of any liberalization reversal are observed. Hungary was an early reformer, introducing some liberalization measures already during the late 1980s, but the profile of its reform path is much more discounted through time, as compared, for instance, with the Baltic countries. In Latvia, a rather limited reversal of the financial sector liberalization is observed from mid 1996all the way to early 2003: resulting from the 1996 banking crisis, specific aggregate lending limits to regions (i.e., limits on exposure to non-OECD countries, bar the other Baltic republics) are imposed. In Lithuania, a limited reversal of the f inancial sector liberalization is observed from early 1998, also resulting from the experienced banking crisis: reserve requirements on deposits on foreign accounts by non-resident are introduced; In Poland, no signs of any liberalization reversal are observed. Similarly to Hungary, the profile of its reform path is much more discounted through time; In Romania, no signs of any liberalization reversal are observed, but the reform path is a decidedly slow and cautious one: at the end of the sample, it has the highest (i.e., less liberalized) score for the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Full Index of all countries in the sample: 1.60 (see Table V). In Slovakia, no signs of any liberalization reversal are observed. Here, the reform path is characterized by a broad stagnation since the Czechoslovak partition till 1998/1999, when, after a change in the political leadership, reforms are re-started, reaching after that levels similar to the other à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Vise grad countries in a rather quick fash ion. In Slovenia, one of the most consistently cautious Member States concerning the advantages of integration and liberalization, reversals are indeed observed in all three indexes, since early 1995in the capital account and financial sector components, and from early 1997 in the stock market one. Since early 1999, with the entry in effect of the EU Association Agreement, across-the-board further (re)liberalization measures have been introduced. 6. FINANCIAL CYCLES AND LIBERALIZATION The financial cycle coding which is used by KS defines cycles as a at least twelve month-long strictly downwards (upwards) movement, followed by a equally upwards (downwards) 12-month movement from the through (peak) of a stock market index, measured in USD, as they should reflect returns from the point of view of an international investor. As described in the stock market section of this work, one must be warned that there are specific factors in the countries in our sample that may affect the effectiveness of a stock market index as an adequate proxy of financial cycles, at least for the sample here considered. Beyond that, these series have a rather limited time extension (our sample covers the 01:1990-06:2003 period). Adapting KS criteria to the limited time dimension of our sample, we use a less stringent definition of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“cycle, the same algorithm as above but with a 3-month window for the cycle (Edwards et al., 2003, use a 6-month window). With this we get 118 obse rvations for all countries in our sample. Of these 118 cycles, 61 are upward, with an average of 7.51 months duration, and 57 are downward, with an average of 8.20 months of duration. 7. CONCLUSION The main aim of this paper was to extend the index developed by Kaminsky and Schmukler, 2003, for a specific sample of countries, namely, the previously centrally planned economies from Central and Eastern Europe, and to perform a similar analysis on them. Our results do lend some support to the basic assumption of this study: in spite of all the limitations of the time series used (their shortness, the fact that they were buffeted by several country-specific and common shocks), a re-estimation of KSs core regressions strongly supports the notion that financial liberalization does generate benefits both in the short and in the long run, measured via the extension of the amplitude of upward cycles and its reduction for downward cycles of stock market indexes. Importantly, these results diverge from KS, as in their work à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“emerging markets experience a relative short run increase in the amplitude of downward cycles. Another noteworthy feature is that only minor liberalizat ion reversals, led by the financial sector component, were observed in the aggregate index. Also, those reversals do not seem to be driven by à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“contagion from shocks in other emerging markets (like the Asian or Russian crisis), but reflect country-specific shocks. When considering the individual components of the index separately, again signs of minor reversals in financial sector liberalization are observed, related to temporary reactions to the several banking crisis observed in the region. Concerning the importance of institutions and of the EU Accession, this papers initial assumption was that the mostly positive results above would come about due to the anchoring of expectation provided by the perspective of entry into the EU already by mid-2004 (or 2007, in the case of Bulgaria and Romania) for the countries here analyzed, and by the imposition of a more robust macro and institutional framework by the requirements of the Accession process itself. Signs of this ar e not found in the KS regressions, perhaps because the liberalization index itself captures the effects of the EU Accession process. Finally, using a different framework than KSs to assess the affects of liberalization on financial, real and nominal volatility, most of the econometric results seem to support the previous ones, but they seem to indicate that the capital account liberalization is the element that most consistently and significantly reduces volatility. On this final section, the majority the econometric results seem to support some specific role for the EU Enlargement process in reducing volatility.

Human Trafficking Essay - 1195 Words

In 1865 slavery was abolished in the United States. At least that it was most Americans believe but that is not the case. In today’s society we have an issue that is just a horrific as slavery back in the day. It is the trafficking of women and children. The online Oxford Dictionary defines human trafficking as, â€Å" the illegal movement of people, typically for the purposes of forced labor or commercial sexual exploitation.† Therefore, this is modern day slavery. Women and children are being tortured, abused, and scared physically and mentally for the rest of their lives. Also, once in the sex-trade business it is very unlikely that the victim will come out alive. About 30,000 women and children are found dead each year due to them being†¦show more content†¦Even though sex-trafficking victims go through extensive therapy after being rescued it is still very hard to return to everyday life knowing that for some period of time you were enslaved, tortured, and abused. 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